US income gap widens as poor take hit in recession – Yahoo! News

Not much else to say:

The recession has hit middle-income and poor families hardest, widening the economic gap between the richest and poorest Americans as rippling job layoffs ravaged household budgets.The wealthiest 10 percent of Americans — those making more than $138,000 each year — earned 11.4 times the roughly $12,000 made by those living near or below the poverty line in 2008, according to newly released census figures. That ratio was an increase from 11.2 in 2007 and the previous high of 11.22 in 2003.Household income declined across all groups, but at sharper percentage levels for middle-income and poor Americans. Median income fell last year from $52,163 to $50,303, wiping out a decade’s worth of gains to hit the lowest level since 1997.

via Yahoo & AP.

There’s No Crowding Out Here.

People who worry the most about the recent increases in US government borrowing are generally worried about one of two things: crowding out or inflation.  They fear that either if The Fed doesn’t “print new money” for the govt to borrow, then the government’s demands for borrowing money will drive up interest rates.  This driving up of interest rates would then, in turn, discourage businesses from borrowing/expanding/growing.  I’ll deal with the inflation fear in a different post.  But right now, it appears there’s little prospect of crowding out.  It’s true businesses (and households) aren’t borrowing, but it’s not because of high interest rates.

In the past, when the government became a heavy borrower, there was talk about crowding out private borrowers. But this time, interest rates have remained low and no one seems to be worried about that.

The reason is simple: Rather than crowding out the private sector, Uncle Sam is now standing in for it. Much of the government borrowing went to investments in financial institutions needed to keep them alive. Other hundreds of billions went to a variety of programs aimed at stimulating the private economy, including programs that effectively had the government pick up part of the cost for some home buyers and some auto buyers.

via Off the Charts – A Rich Uncle Picks Up the Borrowing Slack – NYTimes.com.

More evidence against patents

Yes, patents, copyrights, etc., the intellectual so-called property protections are really profits-protection for existing large corporations.  The stronger patents and copyrights are, the weaker is innovation and growth.

…weaker IP protections might actually correlate with economic growth,…

via Scholarly Communications @ Duke » The joy of statistics.

Save the Whales! Abolish Patents!

Well, actually it likely wouldn’t save the whales. But, abolishing patents would likely re-invigorate the economy, revive competition, lower costs (particularly healthcare costs), and speed up innovation.

Levine and Boldrin help lay out the case against patents in this piece.  An excerpt ( I recommend following the link):

Abolishing so-called intellectual “property” (IP) won’t solve all social ills — and it certainly won’t save the whales. But it would be a big step in the right direction for solving a range of problems from the high cost of health care, to innovating our way out of the current recession. In a series of posts with my co-author Michele Boldrin, we’ll tackle these issues one at a time.

….

With the exception of Japan, the rest of the world spends only about 60-70% of what we spend for prescription drugs. The European countries’ average is 60%, with some countries at around 55%.That means that simply paying what the rest of the world pays would reduce our health care bill by at least 4% – that is about 0.7% of national GDP, or roughly $100 billion.

via David K. Levine: Save the Whales! Abolish Patents!.

Also, it’s worthwhile to go to their blog at

Why We Really Need to End the Empire: “We Can’t Cut Spending – Forbes.com”

Bruce Bartlett explains why a “balanced budget” for the US federal government is an impossibility.  Unfortunately, most people who strenously object to the deficit and want a balanced budget simply don’t understand the realities.  They often confuse “millions” and “billions” (it takes 1000 millions to equal a billion).  They further operate from greatly distorted ideas of just where the actual federal spending goes.

Domestic discretionary spending amounted to $485 billion last year. With a deficit last year of $459 billion, we would have had to abolish virtually every single domestic program to have achieved budget balance. That means every penny spent on housing, education, agriculture, highway construction and maintenance, border patrols, air traffic control, the FBI, and every other thing one can think of outside of national defense, Social Security and Medicare.

via We Can’t Cut Spending – Forbes.com.

Memories of the Carter Administration – Paul Krugman Blog – NYTimes.com

Krugman writes on the origins of the split between “saltwater” (Keynesian & New Keynesian macro) and “freshwater”   (“rational expectiations, real business cycle) macro economics.

Memories of the Carter Administration – Paul Krugman Blog – NYTimes.com.

Krugman on How Did Economists Get It So Wrong? – Excellent

Long, but excellent reading on the recent (last few decades) of the history of macro thinking.  I think Krugman understates some issues, but much of it is good.  I recommend.

It’s hard to believe now, but not long ago economists were congratulating themselves over the success of their field. Those successes — or so they believed — were both theoretical and practical, leading to a golden era for the profession. On the theoretical side, they thought that they had resolved their internal disputes. Thus, in a 2008 paper titled “The State of Macro” (that is, macroeconomics, the study of big-picture issues like recessions), Olivier Blanchard of M.I.T., now the chief economist at the International Monetary Fund, declared that “the state of macro is good.” The battles of yesteryear, he said, were over, and there had been a “broad convergence of vision.” And in the real world, economists believed they had things under control: the “central problem of depression-prevention has been solved,” declared Robert Lucas of the University of Chicago in his 2003 presidential address to the American Economic Association. In 2004, Ben Bernanke, a former Princeton professor who is now the chairman of the Federal Reserve Board, celebrated the Great Moderation in economic performance over the previous two decades, which he attributed in part to improved economic policy making.

Last year, everything came apart.

For the complete article, see:  http://www.nytimes.com/2009/09/06/magazine/06Economic-t.html?_r=1&pagewanted=all

Krugman’s article caused quite a stir in academic and professional economics.  Many have agreed with him, such as Jeff Frankel who posted this:

The Queen of England during the summer asked economists why no one had predicted the credit crunch and recession.   Paul Krugman points out that, inasmuch as economists can almost never predict the timing of recessions (and don’t claim to be able to), the real questions are worse.  The real questions are, rather how macroeconomists (most of us) could have gotten it so wrong as to believe that: (i) a severe recession like this was not even looming ahead as a danger, and (ii) a breakdown of many of the world’s most liquid financial markets, in New York and London, was not possible.To anyone wondering about these questions, I recommend Krugman’s essay in the New York Times Sunday magazine, September 6:  “How Did Economists Get it So Wrong?” . I think he has it exactly right.

I would only add that he is modest in skipping over one point:  during Japan’s lost decade of growth in the 1990s Paul forcefully drew from the Japanese experience the implication that a severe economic breakdown was, after all, possible in a modern industrialized economy – a breakdown that both was reminiscent of the Great Depression and was outside the ken of modern macroeconomic theory.   But macroeconomics went on as before.   (Likewise with the stock market correction of 1987, the LTCM crisis of 1998, and the dotcom bust of 2000-01.   I do think, however, that our field did a better job with the emerging market crises of 1994-2001, in part because it was considered permissible to argue that financial markets in this case were highly imperfect.)

Even the cartoons in the NYT article are good…  except that I have never seen Olivier Blanchard in a double-breasted suit.    But Robert Lucas definitely merits a place there:   when given one page to defend orthodox economists regarding the crisis in a recent  Economist essay, he actually thought it was a useful rebuttal to point out that critics are repeating arguments they have made before.  And he also thought it was useful to explain: “The term “efficient” as used here means that individuals use information in their own private interest. It has nothing to do with socially desirable pricing; people often confuse the two.”  — as if it is not the latter question that the public is wondering about.

I am pleased that at least some in the profession are waking to the serious methodological and intellectual problems that have crept into economics (not just macro) in recent decades.  There’s a long way to go though before we return to math only being a tool to check/explore the logic instead of the centerpiece.  We need to put real-world economies back in focus as the topic of our theorizing and research.

Why GM’s CEO is out, but no bank CEO is gone

Yesterday the Obama admin forced GM CEO Rick Waggoner to resign as a condition of continued support for GM’s restructuring.  Yet, the administration has not yet demanded any of the banks change management (except AIG & Fannie last Sept), despite the banks using 18-20 times as much bailout money.

Several folks have asked me why? Why the double-standard?  The answer is that in the last 30 years, the banking industry has captured Washington.  Our Treasury Dept officials are ex-bankers and when done in DC they return to banking. The leading economic advisors (Larry Summers now, Bob Rubin and Hank Paulson in past) are either bankers or have long career ties to banking.   This is not a good thing.

Simon Johnson, ex-IMF chief economist, has written analysis of the problem that, while long, is very worthwhile read. He calls the financial industry’s capture of our government’s policy a Quiet Coup.

I have some key excerpts below the fold, but it’s worth checking out the whole article. Continue reading